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Possible interpretations of non-anatomical graves from Tell el-Farkha.
Are they examples of deviant burials?

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Introduction

In early Egyptian cemeteries, there is a small group of graves that somehow escapes our full understanding. The main feature that draws our attention to them is the anormal, non-anatomical position of the deceased. Some cases can be quite easily explained by destructive activity of plunderers, for some unfavourable soil conditions are to be blamed, but even if all external, intentional and non-intentional factors are excluded, there still remain some graves which appear “strange”.

Tell el-Farkha, a small but important site for the beginnings of Egyptian history, provided examples of such unusual graves that stand out from the remaining structures excavated at the location. In the following text, in total 11 cases of unique tombs are analysed that represent four different types of burials: primary, secondary, multiple and a solitary skull, in order to find possible interpretations of their meaning and to finally decide if such practices can be considered “deviant”. This kind of discussion would not be possible without approaching the issue of defining “normal” vs. “anormative”, which can only be done against a wider background provided by finds from the local context. And the text indeed focusses on the discoveries from Tell el-Farkha, however, to understand the actual significance of a given practice, it has to be examined whether it was only a local curiosity or rather a wider phenomenon. Since Tell el-Farkha is just one of numerous early Egyptian sites, where such strange burials were registered, then, some other examples are also used as arguments for the discussion, although in a limited extend due to the format of the publication.

The cemeteries of Tell el-Farkha

Tell el-Farkha is a relatively small site (approximately 4.5 ha) located in the eastern Nile Delta, about 120 km north-east of Cairo, on the outskirts of the modern village of Ghazalla, in the province of Daqahliya. Since 1998, the Polish Archaeological Expedition to the Eastern Nile Delta have carried out archaeological excavations at the site.1 As a result, a settlement with a cemetery was discovered, which developed for over a thousand years from ca. 3700 BC to 2600 BC (from Naqada IIB to the turn of Dynasties 3 and 4) until it was finally abandoned in the early Old Kingdom period. The history of the site has been divided into seven phases and started as a Lower Egyptian rural settlement (Phase 1), which evolved into an influential Protodynastic centre of administration and culture, possibly even a proto-city (Phase 5), then into a lower rank Early Dynastic grain storage centre (Phase 6), and finally into a simple Old Kingdom village (Phase 7). The graves discovered at the site concentrate in its eastern part, called Tell E, and reflect the final stages of its history.2 In general, 143 sepulchral structures were excavated that comprised the remains of 152 individuals. The total number represents, in fact, three separate cemeteries and some unspecified discoveries. The oldest cemetery is Protodynastic and it dates to Tell el-Farkha Phases 4 and 5 (53 graves), it is followed by the Early Dynastic one related to Phase 6 (58 graves), while the youngest burial ground is dated to the Old Kingdom (Phase 7, 23 graves). A small number of burials did not provide exact dating evidence, thus they were included in two additional groups of purely ordinal significance: the pre-Protodynastic (1 case) and pre-Old Kingdom (10 cases).

To truly understand what makes some Tell el-Farkha graves so “different”, first it must be defined what “normal” is. During the years of activity at the site, burial customs evolved, which means that the “normality” norms were different in the three separate cemeteries. A typical Protodynastic grave was a mud brick structure, either a small mastaba or a pit lined with mud bricks, while simple pits were in the minority. The offerings were common and composed in a visually interesting way of various types of pottery representative of the period, vases of coloured stones, while objects representing so-called luxurious types such as cosmetic palettes, ivory items, personal ornaments (usually strings of carnelian beads) often completed the sets. Copper tools were rare, but present, and real food offerings were typical. The deceased were placed in a contracted left-side position with their head turned north with an eastern declination. The characteristic of the group is also the experimental character of particular structures visible in their uniqueness, as they are stylistically similar but always different in details.

In the Early Dynastic cemetery, the main change is the very limited number of experimental forms, replaced by a rather small catalogue of repeatable solutions in terms of body treatment, grave goods, or structures. Thus, the most common were simple pit interments, followed by brick structures, reed coffins were well-testified. Typical offerings were represented by pottery with predominant beer jars and travertine vases in a small repertoire of shapes; so-called luxurious objects were very rare in a similar way to real food. In addition, offerings were characteristic only for brick structures, as there were few equipped simple pit graves. In general, the deceased were buried in a tightly contracted, even flexed, left-side position with their heads pointing north or north with an eastern declination.

Finally, the graves of the Old Kingdom were only simple pits and mostly devoid of offerings. The bodies were deposited in a completely different way, that is, in a stretched right-side position, with the heads turned somewhere to the west.

Case Study

Among the burials of Tell el-Farkha, there is a group that clearly deviate from the standards of their period. Particular cases were selected considering such factors as extremely poor preservation state, small taphonomy-related shifts, and post-funeral disturbances. Especially in the case of the Protodynastic cemetery, where the graves were dug in hard and cohesive layers largely made of disintegrated mud bricks, the looter’s pits or tunnels left by the animals are usually relatively easily observable. Structures with such obvious features were then excluded from the discussion, leaving 11 examples (tab. 1). The number is significantly small, as it is as little as 8% of the total. But when the numbers relate to particular cemeteries, which is 11% for the Protodynastic, 3% for the Early Dynastic, 9% for the Old Kingdom, and a single example of the pre-Old Kingdom group, they become differentiated, and thus more informative.

GraveTeF CemeteryShort description Construction type Explanation 
G2 Protodynastic Dislocated limbs Small mastaba Delayed
G19 Protodynastic Solitary skull Undefined Unexplained 
G26 Protodynastic Skeleton forced into too small bottom niche Pit lined with mud bricks Delayed
G39 Old KingdomCompletely disarranged infant skeleton Simple pit Secondary
G47 Old KingdomHighly dislocated infant skeleton Simple pit Secondary (?)
G52pre-Old Kingdom3 adults, 2 of them only partially reservedSimple pitPrimary multiple
G69 Protodynastic Intentionally displaced skull Pit lined with mud bricks Manipulated primary
G91 Protodynastic Dislocated limbs Pit lined with mud bricks Delayed
G114 Protodynastic Dislocated limbs Small mastaba Delayed
G117 Early DynasticPiled bones Simple pit Secondary
G124 Early DynasticDislocated parts Simple pit Secondary (?)
Tab. 1.

Having discussed the background, the atypical burials can finally be approached. The basis for distinguishing atypical cases is the criterion of “breaking the rules”. In most cases, it is the location of the body in the tomb at the time of its last deposit, which consists of one of the characteristics of the burial customs of each period. As demonstrated above, although the preferable position changed over time, one remained the same – all burials were skeletal interments made shortly after the death, which is suggested by the perfectly anatomical location of each bone in a skeleton. However, one example breaks more rules than just the position of the body, and because it cumulates atypical practices, it was also included in the discussion. The cases registered in Tell el-Farkha are basically limited to four variants.

Atypical primary burials

When speaking of primary burials, they are understood as burials that were deposited in the first and original location from which they were not moved or manipulated until their archaeological exploration.3 Although the situation seems clear and in most cases is treated as an axiom, it is, in fact, the most susceptible to various interpretation errors. They may result from unrecognised post-burial intrusions, both looting induced and accidental, due to later activity at the spot; unsatisfactory state of preservation, causing disintegration of some skeleton parts; unawareness of taphonomic processes and their influence on the decomposition of the human body, which include minor body shifts.

Five burials belong to the first variant: G2, G26, G69, G91, and G114. All graves consist in small mastabas or pits lined with bricks, most likely eroded mastabas; in all cases, the structures were equipped with rather valuable objects. Moreover, all the examples belong to the Protodynastic cemetery.

In G2 (fig. 1a4), the deceased woman (about 30-40 years of age) was deposited with her head pointing north with an eastern declination. The upper part of the body was better preserved and deposited on the back, with the left arm tightly bent in the elbow, while in the right arm only the humerus was in anatomical position. The lower part of the body probably was laid on the left side. Of the lower limbs, only the right femur was in a natural or close to a natural position, the tibia was moved but not far from the knee, while the remaining bones were in disarray with all articulations broken. In the rather spacious tomb, the body had been squeezed between the vessels and the eastern wall of the burial chamber, possibly in a kind of organic bag but not a more solid container, which would force small jars to fall in other directions rather than over the body. Even if it was planned to bury the deceased in an empty space of the burial chamber, it did not last long, as the roof structure did not support the weight of the upper part of the construction and almost immediately collapsed. Since no intrusion traces were recorded, only the collapsed roof is blamed for a certain disorder in the tomb, such as overturned or crushed pots in the central part of the chamber. However, the dislocation of the lower part of the body must have been caused by another factor.

Fig. 1a. Grave G2 (photo: R. Słaboński).

In G26 (fig. 1b), the skeleton of a 35-40-year-old man had been inserted so tightly into the bottom niche of the tomb that it was impossible to unhesitatingly define its original position. His knees and feet were turned as if lying on the right side; the localisation of arms tends rather to the back position, while the head was pointing north with an eastern declination, the face turned east. Of the thorax, only a few right-side ribs, a clavicle, and a humerus were preserved in their anatomical position. The left leg was found over the arm, the knee located about a dozen centimetres from the shoulder joint. It was almost completely preserved with the foot; the limb was very tightly bent, so the three long bones were parallel. On the long bones, the left palm and a few additional pieces of two long forearm bones were recorded, arranged in perfect anatomical order, although the forearm was much worse preserved. The right leg was also found to be in a poor condition; it was deposited below the left leg, but with a complete foot again. The arrangement of bones proves that the body was probably tied up and forced into the too small space, which caused partial transmission of some body parts, while others were perfectly anatomically organised. The fact that the left humerus, right forearm, and long bones of the right leg appear disarranged may be due to the fact that they were less tightly tied and later decomposed into at least partially empty space. Still, the degree of body contraction is too high and is naturally impossible. No traces of after-funeral intrusion were observed.

Fig. 1b. Grave G26 (photo: R. Słaboński).

In G69 (fig. 1c), the remains of a 30-40-year-old woman occupied the centre of the burial chamber. In general, the body followed the flexed left-side position; its upper part turned toward the north with an eastern declination. Both arms were tightly bent and the left one approached the anatomical position of the face. The legs were also very tightly bent, with knees close to the chest and the left foot close to the pelvis. The palms and feet were not recovered, but it is possible that they were simply unpreserved. The unusual factor is the position of the skull lying on top of the anatomically arranged bones in the pelvis area, its facial part turned to the east. The very close position of limbs and no displacement of bones (except for the head, of course) suggest that the body was wrapped in an organic container like a bag or shroud, which was not preserved to our times, however, was stable enough to hold the bones in their original position. No traces of any after-funeral intrusions were noted; thus, it appears that the head was in the intended deposition spot. Furthermore, the context of the discovery, together with the poor state of bone preservation, does not give any hints as to the nature of the registered decapitation.

Fig. 1c. Grave G69 (photo: R. Słaboński).

In G91 (fig. 1d), a man aged 24-30 years was buried in a position most probably attempted to be a contracted left-side one with the head turned to north with an eastern declination, however bones of the lower body part were much dislocated. The state of the body suggests that it decomposed into an empty space, in an unpreserved organic container, or directly in the spacious tomb chamber. The head was facing east and the mandible was clearly separated from the skull. The chest was as if it had rolled on its back, with fairly well-registered loosely deposited ribs. The right arm was lying along the body, the left one as well although slightly displaced from the anatomical location. The head of the right femur was still in the articular socket. The femur rested in a straight position, but the tibia and fibula were strongly curled upward, while the foot was separated and discovered on the breastbone. The three long bones of the left leg were lying almost parallel to each other, but perpendicular to the main axis of the body. Neither palms nor the second foot were discovered. Most displaced bones can be easily explained by natural taphonomic factors; however, the position of a foot over the chest cannot be caused naturally and results from a human action. Since the body was sprinkled with a regular layer of pure sand as a kind of funeral procedure and no subsequent intrusions were identified, the dislocation (and possibly also the lack of the other foot and palms) occurred at the time of the body internment.

Fig. 1d. Grave G91 (photo: R. Słaboński).

Finally, in G114 (fig. 1e), the most likely juvenile owner of the tomb was buried with tangled limbs, but in a desperate attempt to “do it properly”. So, the head was turned north with a small declination to the east, and the remaining part of the body rested almost on the left side. Both arms were very close to their anatomical position, the right one only slightly bent and lying on the legs, the left one tightly bent and moved towards the face. Of the lower limbs, only the right femur was in the anatomical position, the remaining long bones dislocated. This time, the body decomposed into a closed space without larger voids, which is suggested by the position of the upper body parts bones and the fact that the tomb was very carefully closed. The chamber was filled with a layer of greasy and semi-liquid mud, then covered with mud brick rubble. The measures applied there, most probably for security reasons, cut the possibility of after-funeral intrusions, immobilised body parts, but also affected the state of their preservation.

Fig. 1e. Grave G114 (photo: R. Słaboński).

There are two major issues which join the above examples. The first is the partially non-anatomical position of the bones. In the case of G69, there is no doubt that the unnatural location of the skull resulted from a deliberate action, which took place during the funeral. The act might have been either ritually or practically motivated; unfortunately, no other hints were preserved to decide. However, the remaining cases appear not fully intended, which suggests that the bodies were buried in an advanced state of decomposition when labile and some more persistent joints lose their stability, resulting in the separation of peripheral body parts such as fingers, limbs, or mandible5. However, the burials were carried out before skeletonisation because the general order of the bones was kept. In the cases discussed, the arrangement of the bones, partly non-anatomical but not scattered, gives the impression that the bodies were laid into an empty space left in the tomb in a kind of soft container like a bag or shroud, which itself was completely decomposed.

Another issue is that the bodies were deposited in graves with extensive construction and surrounded by interestingly composed offerings. Therefore, apart from the atypical position of the bones, these burials represent characteristic features of their period. Abandoning some burial rules, although drastic, has a very practical justification if we take into account the entire decomposition processes of the human body. This concerns swelling, darkening of the skin, the presence of putrefactive gases, and insect activity that accompany the first stages of soft tissue decomposition6 and force the living to limit contact with the dead body. It is also worth highlighting that no traces of post-funeral interference were recorded in any of these graves.

To summarise of the above observations, it can be concluded that the cases discussed (except for G69) represent primary but in the same time delayed burials, i.e. deposited in grave only ones, but at a time after the death. The term “delayed” is sometimes described as in between “primary” and “secondary” burials;7 however, the case of Egypt is somehow specific. In the following periods of Egyptian history, delaying burials became a typical element of Egyptian funeral customs, allowing priests to complete rituals, embalmers to mummify the body, and craftsmen to finalise tomb construction,8 thus supporting the allocation of “delayed” burials with those regular and “primary” ones.

Determining the reasons for the delay is much more difficult and can only be based on speculation. We need, of course, to exclude mummification because the procedure was only just being developed at that time,9 but there are other possibilities. One of them may be the well-attested involvement of the settlement’s inhabitants in trade with the Levant.10 The fact that no single burial with Egyptian characteristics has yet been found at Levantine sites with recorded Egyptian presence during the period in question or along the routes leading to them11 only strengthens this suggestion. Another option may be the time-consuming process of building a tomb or the need to collect objects considered necessary to create an offering set. The early mud brick pre-stairway tombs were analysed by various authors12 in terms of the effectiveness of their building method. According to the studies, if the largest structures consumed even a year of intense work, the smaller ones, like those of Tell el-Farkha, might have been ready for a funeral in a week or two at most. Under deltaic conditions, it would be sufficient to bury a deceased without the use of a temporary grave, but some damage to the integrity of the body could already have occurred. However, it is possible; the question remains why only few burials deposited in small mastabas are partially disorganised, and not all of them?

So maybe, this kind of atypical burials is another manifestation of the experimental trend characteristic of the Protodynastic cemetery or, on the contrary, it reflects the practical reasons. These might be the general situation of the settlement inhabitants preoccupied by construction matters or just deeply involved in long-distance trade. If so, the cases explained as delayed would be just an answer to the numerous long journeys of Tell el-Farkha residents, some of whom met a fatal ending. Perhaps even G69 is an atypical answer to unusual circumstances of death.

Secondary burials

The definition of secondary burials is not simple. Their main characteristic is advanced disarticulation of bones prior to final disposal13. They are explained as “double funeral”,14 any subsequent burial following an exhumation of skeletonised bones and their relocation,15 or the act of redeposition of a deceased from one place to another.16 Therefore, for the sake of the text, a “secondary” burial will be understood as an interment of disarticulated and skeletonised bones in the act of relocation of a previously buried body.

Due to a clearly visible disorder of the bones, this variant is easily recognisable. However, it tends to be overinterpreted as ritual-related, which is not impossible but simply difficult to prove. The variant is represented by four burials at the site: G39, G47, G117, and G124. G117 and G124 belong to the Early Dynastic cemetery, while G39 and G47 to the Old Kingdom. All the examples quoted were simple pit inhumations without intentional offerings. Individual cases will be presented in chronological order.

In the Early Dynastic grave G117 (fig. 2a), the incomplete remains of an adult man were found piled in the centre of the burial pit, deposited on a mat, and mixed with animal bones. There was no visible organisation of the skeletal material of any kind, but more detailed observations were impossible due to a very poor state of preservation of the material. Furthermore, the structure was only partially excavated, so full information is inaccessible.

Fig. 2a. Grave G117 (photo: R. Słaboński).

Another Early Dynastic grave G124 (fig. 2b) comprised a badly preserved body of an adult deposited in a non-anatomical position, with pieces of the head deposited in the northern part of the pit. The extremely weak state of preservation allowed to identify only some fragments of smaller bones, which were, however, clearly scattered around the pit without any pattern.

Fig. 2b. Grave G124 (photo: R. Słaboński).

The Old Kingdom G39 (fig. 2c) was a small deposit of bones found in a complete anatomical disorder, with the skull missing. Most of the material was represented by long bones of limbs, a few vertebrae, and phalanges, which were recognised as belonging to an about 24-month-old toddler. No clear pattern was observable, it seems probable that the bones were buried in a bag of organic matter that did not preserve.

Fig. 2c. Grave G39 (photo: R. Słaboński).

Finally, G47 (fig. 2d) was a burial of an about 9-month-old infant. In some areas the bones were highly disorganised (long bones of limbs mixed with ribs in a random arrangement), although the general elongated shape with the skull turned south with a western declination was kept.

Fig. 2d. Grave G47 (photo: R. Słaboński).

In all the cases described above, the deceased were buried at a time when the “proper” positioning of the body, that is the one required by the burial rules, was impossible. The bones piles in G117 and G39 prove that the burial had already taken place when the bodies were skeletonised. In the remaining cases, the stage of bone disorganisation is very high and certainly much higher than in the previous variant. Many bones are missing, and procedures aimed at posing the body were limited at most to positioning the head as if nothing else was possible anymore. The hypothesis is then that the bodies were buried when most of the soft tissues had disintegrated, thus the most suitable explanation is that we deal here with secondary burials, understood as the final but not the first interment of the deceased. Reasons for such practice may vary, and since none of the quoted examples provides any clear traces of rituals, its interpretation remains obscure. It is, however, interesting that all were the simplest burials ever registered at the site, where no special care for the burial could be observed.

Interpreting graves from the group as “secondary” can, in some instances, provoke questions, however, they all have in common a certain degree of manipulation with the bodies, and as such they fit well into the category of “anormative” inhumations.

Isolated cranium burial

This variant is illustrated by a single case from Tell el-Farkha, that is, G19 (fig. 3), which on the grounds of stratigraphy is dated to the Protodynastic. It was made up of an isolated cranium of an adult, probably a man. The cranium was lying on a mat, with its facial part up in a small pit without visible edges and dusty filling, and was orientated with its top to the north with a western declination. No other bones were registered; moreover, none of the graves around had a missing head, so the possibility that the cranium was taken from another structure is unlikely. It could also be assumed that the rest of the skeleton disintegrated naturally, if it were not for the fact that the cranium was found in a small pit, suitable for the cranium itself only. No ritual remains of any kind were recorded in the area. Obviously, G19 is a special case, which denies all the early Egyptian burial rules settled for the site, except for being an interment on a regular cemetery.

Fig. 3. Grave G19 (photo: R. Słaboński).

Explanation of the case is very difficult, also because there are no direct comparisons from the site. However, even looking further, just a few examples can be quoted. The most similar is a single case of isolated skull burial registered in Adaïma. Grave S418 from the Eastern Cemetery was a small pit covered with a pottery vessel.17 The skull, with the atlas and the axis still anatomically located, was deposited upside down and accompanied by a single faïence bead. The grave was found in a regular cemetery and, according to the discoverers, appears deliberate.

A bunch of other examples of only a skull found in a grave pit was registered in Minshat Abu Omar. Seven graves, that is, nos. 170, 302, 658,18 790, 825, 833, 835, 851,19 belonged to children, and five to adults, that is, nos. 215, 767,20 225, 229, 825.21 Moreover, in seven additional cases, that is, graves nos. 16422 223, 320, 402, 406, 791, 847,23 there were only badly preserved teeth of children. A group of 19 such graves would be an argument for recognising them as a rare, but typical kind of burial, if it were not for the very poor state of preservation of the bones (at the site in general and especially in the specific cases) that implies the remaining parts of the bodies originally deposited as complete were simply dissolved. Therefore, the examples from Minshat Abu Omar do not, in fact, represent the cases of a solitary cranium burial.

Better understood examples come from the Levant with the practice of plastered skulls24 variously interpreted as related to e.g. an ancestral cult or the act of finally defeating the enemy. Unfortunately, they are too remote in space and certainly in time, as they are dated to the period of PPN. Thus, the only relevant counterpart to the Tell el-Farkha grave comes from Adaïma.

A multiple burial

This variant is represented by only one case in Tell el-Farkha. G52 (fig. 4) is a multiple burial of three adults (presumably two women and one man), who, due to the weak state of bone preservation, were deposited in an unclear position. The best preserved was the skeleton of Individual 2 – a man in a visibly anatomical position, contracted on the left side, and the left arm slightly moved from its original position. Individual 1 was found to be above Individual 2. The remains were poorly preserved, so they were only tentatively identified as belonging to a woman. Her head was placed on a large piece of a pottery bowl, and from the rest of her skeleton deposited probably in a contracted left-side position, only a fragment of the pelvis and one leg were identified. Then, the worst preserved was Individual 3 of which only the skull and some very worn teeth remain, which were lying over the place where the unpreserved left palm of Individual 2 should have been deposited. The structural type of the grave (simple pit) and the arrangement of the bones of best preserved body suggest that the decomposition occurred in a closed space where the deceased was buried directly in the ground.

Fig. 4. Grave G52 (photo: R. Słaboński).

Some objects were found close to the bodies: fragments from a large bowl and a single faïence barrel-shaped bead. Their context is uncertain because the whole structure was damaged by a younger structure with a settlement function. No precise dating hints were observed, so the grave is only tentatively ascribed to the pre-Old Kingdom group, as its stratigraphic position does not match neither Protodynastic nor Early Dynastic cemeteries; however, the burial custom is too different from the Old Kingdom.

There are a number of interpretation issues with this grave. First, its stratigraphy and the unrepresentative objects by the bodies do not allow its dating. Second, at the site of Tell el-Farkha and in early Egypt in general, single burials are the norm, double ones (only four at the site, that is less than 3% of the total) are rarely registered but simultaneous (that is, both people were deposited at the same time). As such they can be understood as variants of single burials, only forced by the common moment of death of two closely related people.25 However, graves consisting of more than two deceased are present in Egyptian tradition, although much rarer.26 Some specific examples, unusual against the background of their cemeteries, can be quoted from Adaïma,27 Naqada28 or Gebel el-Silsileh.29 The same is true in Tell el-Farkha with only one such example.

When taking a closer look, there is everything “unusual” with G52: its location far from other graves, three adults deposited in a single pit, the triangle arrangement of the bodies, the atypical orientation of their heads, the missing skeleton of Individual 3, and the large pottery fragment on which the head of Individual 2 was laid. The general state of preservation of the burial was very poor, the bones were often powdering while drying, which gives no information whether the bodies were placed already incomplete, its missing parts were naturally disintegrated, or the absent elements picture some post-funeral interference. The fact that the grave was overbuilt by a younger and nonrelated to the cemetery settlement structure does not clarify the complicated situation, although it limits the possibility of long-term sequential use of the grave pit. Anyway, there is no satisfactory clue on how to explain so many departures from even basic burial rules typical of the site. According to Miniaci (2019), who proposes a theoretical background to multiple Egyptian burials, we deal here with a direct multiple bound burial (as the bodies intentionally occupy a single space, and at least the bodies of Individuals 1 and 2 were tangled together as in an intimate relation). Furthermore, no visible signs of sequential deposition of following bodies would suggest its simultaneous character, however, the preservation state challenges any definite observation in this regard. One thing is certain, G52 represents a classic example of an anormative burial.

Early Egyptian background

Unusual burials were surely part of early Egyptian burial customs, as they were registered at a number of sites. Naqada was the first site where such practices were observed30 and, in the case of burial T5, even exaggerated to cannibalism. Then, other discoveries followed: El Amra,31 Gerzeh,32 Abydos,33 Naga ed-Dêr,34 and more recently Adaïma,35 Hierakonpolis,36 and Tell el-Farkha. In the subject literature, a burial is called unusual because of many features. Due to specific local Egyptian conditions, where the majority of excavated cemeteries and settlements do not belong to the same societies, and thus do not present the whole picture of their functioning, most of atypical graves are identified based on non-anatomical position of the deceased. The observed cases of non-anatomical interments are referred to as “dismembered”,37 “mutilated”,38 “disordered”,39 or “manipulated”.40 The use of so many terms leads to confusion between intentional practices, accidental intrusions, or results of natural decaying processes, and, more importantly, opens room for misinterpretation. To organise the diversified subject, Wengrow and Baines41 made an attempt to group cases of non-anatomic burials into five general classes, based on the presence or absence of some body parts, dislocation, and rearrangement of bones. However, even after doing that, they state that all the possibilities can occur independently or simultaneously in various arrangements. In other words, it is impossible to describe the norms that would encompass them, so they are anormative.

In fact, the issue is difficult to be addressed satisfactorily because most of such unusual cases was discovered at the beginning of professional archaeology of early Egypt and, according to the standards of that time, published selectively, while results of recent finds only underline how much information was lost. One of the very few studies that attempts to overcome the issue confronts published data in an attempt to determine what the “norm” was and what “deviant” in early Egyptian burial customs.42 Another one is the work of Marei43 who analyses the cemeteries in Naqada, Gerzeh, and Adaïma in search of non-anatomical burials. The results obtained are as follows: 54 in Naqada, that is, 2% at the site; 12 in Gerzeh – about 5%; 5 in Adaïma – 2%.44 In light of this, Tell el-Farkha’s overall score (below than 8%) appears to be consistent with other Egyptian data.

More drastic procedures than just disarrangement of bones in a burial brought more attention, even though they are registered only sporadically. It concerns scalping, decapitation,45 throat cutting,46 inflicting violent death by blunt force trauma,47 or even human sacrifice.48 Although such violent actions are much closer to understanding deviancy, the problem is that we do not know their actual meaning for the ancient people. Dougherty and Friedman49 have briefly reviewed the explanations of the practices proposed by various scholars. Among the most often repeated interpretations are those religiously related to the myth of Osiris as if even natural death was perceived to be a metaphorical dismembering,50 and early practices are sometimes seen as the root of the story.51 Some verses from the Pyramid Texts in which the reconstruction of a king’s body after being dismembered is described are also quoted,52 while Lebedev and colleagues53 opt for practical explanations. In summary, the only generally accepted fact is the presence of rare and therefore unusual practices in the early Egyptian burial customs. These practices are called differently, but apparently the term “deviant” has not taken root in Egyptology as it happened in European archaeology.54

The concept of “deviant burials”

In common understanding, “deviant” burials are those that do not comply with the definition of a norm in a particular society.55 However, the term is strongly emotionally charged due to the popular meaning of the word “deviant” in modern English. When used adjectively, English online dictionaries always explain it as “different to what most people think is normal or acceptable, usually relating to sexual behaviour”,56 “straying from an accepted norm”,57 “different, in a bad way, from what is considered normal”,58 or “deviating, as from what is considered acceptable behaviour”.59 The list of proposed synonyms, for example “aberrant”, “abnormal”, “twisted” or “warped” makes the negative connotation even stronger. The first impression is then that there is something disturbing and wrong with a burial described in this manner. But this is not necessarily the case.

Already Petrie and Quibell60 have noticed in the materials they excavated at Naqada that some burials differ significantly from the majority of other cases with examples of mutilation on the bodies, which they called “special customs”. In the 1930s, “strange” practices were also recognised in burials of the dead with the face downward known from the European context.61 The observation evolved until a more general idea was introduced in German called “Sonderbestattungen”,62 settled in archaeological discourse since the 1990s to classify special but observable burials.63 The term “deviant” came to archaeology much later, roundabout through anthropology, in association with the “deviant social persona” proposed by Saxe,64 who was explained as the one whose social activity was exceptional in both positive and negative senses. Soon, it became obvious that the major problem lies, in fact, in defining what is exceptional and what normal, and that “deviant” burials can only be studied in the context of their “normal” counterparts.65

So, what should be behind the term “deviant”? One of the problems is that, regardless of common English, the term does not imply abusive practices. Some of the “deviant” burials could have intended to humiliate or condemn the deceased, for example, a group of medieval decapitated inhumations that were often described as vampiric,66 but in many cases the adoption of the term illustrates rather the surprise of explorers who encountered completely different material to those they were already accustomed to. This leads to the deconstruction of the term proposed by some researchers67 by adopting its neutral synonyms such as “atypical”, “anormative”, “non-normative”, “strange” or “unusual” and turning to a much wider and often multidisciplinary perspective. Graves, especially strange ones, attract the keen attention of the wide public, but, as Toplak rightly notes, even “normal” graves can be misinterpreted as “atypical”, while many considered “anormative” are, in fact, a less popular form of what the particular society considered the “norm”.68

Some years ago, Tamorri69 discussed the issue of normativity versus anomaly in the early Egyptian context, pointing out a number of factors such as the location of a tomb within or outside a regular cemetery, the presence or lack of offerings and their categories, or body treatment. Only the analysis of the elements as a whole allows us to reconstruct the overall picture and help us address the issue. Interestingly, according to the author “clear occurrences of deviant burials have not been identified so far in the predynastic mortuary ritual”.70 More than 10 years since the statement date, significant progress in the fieldwork can add more to the debate. Therefore, Tell el-Farkha and its small group of graves, which do not follow the burial rules characteristic of the site, provides case studies for the discussions.

Conclusions

As presented above, in 11 of the 143 graves excavated in Tell el-Farkha bodies were deposited in a non-anatomical position, which cannot be explained by post-depositional history of the structures. The examples represent mostly primary and secondary burials, accompanied with two unique, for the site, cases of a multiple and an isolated skull inhumation, all deposited either in simple pits or architecturally complicated, well-equipped tombs. The review may tentatively suggest some chronological observations that seem to connect partial disarticulation of bones with larger mud brick structures of the Protodynastic cemetery, while secondary burials with Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom simple pit graves. Unfortunately, the largely atypical character of the presented graves makes posing such a statement difficult. Furthermore, all observed anomalies were limited to bodies, while from the structural point of view, the graves were typical of their period and typically located within the respective cemeteries, which leads to the conclusion that they were not intended to be abusive. However, based on the accessible data, it cannot be decided what actually sparked the strange position of only a fraction of burials at the site.

Regardless of its importance in Egyptian history, Tell el-Farkha does not provide the complete picture, so it cannot be the only source for a discussion of “normal” and “anormative”. Still, the materials collected at the site are significant, especially because their true value lies in the fact that they add new pieces to the puzzle. Observations made in Tell el-Farkha help decide which factors should be seen as general early Egyptian characteristics and which as their regional variations. The presence of burials unusual for the site standards, their features, and above all the scale of such a case put together with data from other sites constitute solid arguments that facilitate generalising about atypical funerary practices in early Egypt. Thus, unusual burials, still not fully understood, seem to be rare though well-represented, but should they really be called “deviant”?

Although logically and methodologically justified, the term seems too strong and too suggestive. Instead, a variety of interchangeably used terms such as “atypical”, “unusual”, or “anormative” describe the subject much better. In Tell el-Farkha, a gradual strengthening of the burial custom rules is observed, visible in the differences between the subsequent cemeteries, but there are always cases that deviate from the norm. The variability affects mostly the position of the body, interferences in the state of the body, or sometimes the choice of a multiple form of burial, as illustrated by the examples from Tell el-Farkha. On the other hand, they all fit very well into the evolutionary character of the early period in general, when all aspects of life started to become more and more normative, although never fully standardised. Thus, these tombs are different, obviously anormative but certainly not “deviant”. They may be “strange”, but there is no evidence that they were abusive in any way. What was hidden at the margin of “normality”? Should it be explained by practical circumstances or by ritual activity? And how much do the practices observed in Tell el-Farkha relate to Egypt in the early period of its history? Much more research is needed to even come close to understanding this phenomenon. However, one thing remains certain: the exception confirms the rule. Therefore, the presence of a small group of atypical graves proves the consolidation of the rules governing the “proper” burial, in a specific way being an element of its description. If similar observations come from more sites than just the one analysed, the above regional level of the discussion has already been reached.


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Notes

  1. Chłodnicki et al. 2012.
  2. For more details, see Dębowska-Ludwin 2023.
  3. Miniaci 2019, 4.
  4. The pictures of the graves consist a general illustration of a particular case. However, due to very fragile state of the bones, the complicated stratigraphic situation and very time-consuming exploration process, some details observed and described can be invisible as the pictures document very specific moments of fieldwork. For more pictures and drawings see the catalogue in Dębowska-Ludwin 2023.
  5. Knüsel 2014, 30-35.
  6. Powers 2005.
  7. Miniaci 2019, 4.
  8. Ikram & Dodson 1998; Marshall & Lichtenberg 2013.
  9. Ormeling 2024.
  10. Rehren & Pernicka 2014; Mączyńska 2018.
  11. Czarnowicz 2018, 105.
  12. e.g. La Loggia 2012; Ormeling 2017; Dębowska-Ludwin & Rosińska-Balik 2020.
  13. Schroeder 2001.
  14. Duday et al. 2014.
  15. Burns 2007.
  16. Boz & Hager 2014, 18-20; Miniaci 2019, 4.
  17. Midant-Reynes et al. 1993, 135; Crubézy et al. 2002, 481-482.
  18. Kroeper & Wildung 1994, 12, 25, 67, 89.
  19. Kroeper & Wildung 2000, 12, 32, 140, 143, 147.
  20. Kroeper & Wildung 1994, 25, 146.
  21. Kroeper & Wildung 2000, 44, 46, 140.
  22. Kroeper & Wildung 1994, 55.
  23. Kroeper & Wildung 2000, 23, 29, 63, 79, 82.
  24. Slon et al. 2014.
  25. Miniaci 2019, 9; Dębowska-Ludwin 2023, 59-61.
  26. Grajetzki 2007, 17; Stevenson 2009, 3-4.
  27. Crubézy 2017, 23-24.
  28. Petrie & Quibell 1896, 18-33.
  29. de Morgan 1926, 112-113, fig. 134; Kuhn 2017, 15.
  30. Petrie & Quibell 1896, 30-33.
  31. Randall-MacIver & Mace 1902, 21, 23, 27.
  32. Petrie et al. 1912, 5.
  33. Peet 1914, 14.
  34. Lythgoe 1965.
  35. Crubézy et al. 2002, 2008; Ludes & Crubézy 2005.
  36. Dougherty & Friedman 2008.
  37. Petrie & Quibell 1896, 32; Petrie et al. 1912, 10.
  38. Petrie et al. 1912, 8.
  39. Dębowska-Ludwin 2010.
  40. Marei 2016.
  41. Wengrow & Baines 2004, 1098-1100.
  42. Tamorri 2011.
  43. Marei 2016.
  44. Corrected after Ludes & Crubézy 2005, 85-87.
  45. Dougherty & Friedman 2008.
  46. Lude & Crubézy 2005.
  47. Campbell 2019, 18-19.
  48. Crubézy & Midant-Reynes 2005.
  49. Dougherty & Friedman 2008, 310.
  50. Assmann 2005, 31.
  51. Marei 2016, 121.
  52. Dougherty & Friedman 2008, 329.
  53. Lebedev et al. 2018, 113.
  54. See Murphy 2008; Reynolds 2009; Murphy & Roy 2023.
  55. Aspöck 2008; Reynolds 2009; Tamorri 2012; Murphy & Le Roy 2023.
  56. Cambridge Learner’s Dictionary.
  57. Merriam-Webster Dictionary.
  58. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English.
  59. Collins English Dictionary.
  60. Petrie & Quibell 1896, 31.
  61. Wilke 1931.
  62. Pauli 1975.
  63. Wahl 1994.
  64. Saxe 1970.
  65. Aspöck 2008, 30.
  66. Gardeła 2015.
  67. See Scott et al. 2020.
  68. Toplak 2020.
  69. Tamorri 2012, 202-203.
  70. Tamorri 2012, 207.
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Dębowska-Ludwin, Joanna, “Possible interpretations of non-anatomical graves from Tell el-Farkha. Are they examples of deviant burials?”, in : Bajeot, Jade, Guérin, Samuel, Minotti, Mathilde, éd. (2025), L’archéologie au-delà des frontières. Sur les pas de Nathalie Buchez, Pessac, Ausonius Éditions, collection DAN@ 14, 2025, 219-234. [URL] https://una-editions.fr/possible-interpretations-of-non-anatomical-graves-from-tell-el-farkha
Illustration de couverture • Montage constitué d’une vue générale de Tell el-Iswid (R. El hajaoui) et d’une vue aérienne du cercle funéraire de Jaulne, Le Bas des Haut de Champs (photo : R. Peack). Création du visuel par Francesco Stefanini.
Publié le 15/12/2025
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